Fake It Till You Make It?
The Curious Double-Life of “Acting As If”
Somewhere, right now, a wellness influencer in a white linen shirt is telling several million people that if they simply act as if they are already wealthy, confident, healthy and loved, the universe will catch up. And somewhere else, considerably less photogenically, a clinician with thirty years’ experience is using the very same idea to help an anxious patient finally make a phone call they have been putting off for six months. Both are doing “act as if.” One, depending on your tolerance for the word, is either nonsense or commerce. The other is quietly powerful.
Which makes the technique genuinely fascinating, because it is real, it is old, it is supported by some surprisingly good evidence, and it can also quietly ruin your life.
Have you ever used it yourself? Not the linen-shirt version — the quiet, internal one, where you straightened your spine before walking into the meeting, or rehearsed the conversation on the way to the doctor, or told yourself before the date that you were the sort of person who was good on dates. You probably have. Most of us do, several times a day, without ever giving it a name.
The long pedigree of pretending
The idea has a respectable lineage. William James (1890) argued, more than a century before any influencer was born, that emotion follows action quite as often as it precedes it: if you want to feel braver, behave bravely first, and the feeling will straggle along behind. Alfred Adler took the same principle into the consulting room and gave it clinical structure — patients were invited to behave, for a week, as though they were already the person they wished to become (Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1956). The point was not delusion. The point was experiment. Pretend the doorway is open, walk through it, and see what is on the other side.
This is “act as if” in its useful form. Not a magical incantation, but a behavioural lever-pull. You move the limbs, and the mind, oddly, comes along.
When rehearsal earns its keep
There is research behind this that holds up. Driskell, Copper and Moran’s (1994) meta-analysis pulled together decades of work on mental practice — the cognitive rehearsal of a task before performing it — and found a small but reliable performance benefit. Two and a half decades later, in the teeth of the replication crisis, Toth and colleagues (2020) ran the meta-analysis again on a fresh batch of studies and the finding survived. Mental rehearsal works. Surgeons rehearse operations. Pianists rehearse passages. Athletes walk through routines in their heads with the same care they bring to their bodies, and the effect, while not enormous, is genuine and worth having.
This is the version of “acting as if” you want. It is a bridge between the present, limited you and the future, more capable you, and the traffic across it goes in both directions: thought shapes action, and then action, helpfully, shapes thought.
So far, so encouraging. Now we get to the trouble.
The dopamine you didn’t earn
The trouble is that your brain, bless it, is not always brilliant at telling the difference between rehearsing something and doing it. The same reward circuitry that lights up when you finish writing the novel can light up, somewhat dimmer but unmistakably, when you sit on the couch vividly imagining the book launch. And here is where the slogan starts to bite.
Gabriele Oettingen has spent decades on this, and the news is not what you would hope. Kappes and Oettingen (2011) demonstrated across four experiments that simply fantasising about an idealised positive future — getting the job, fitting into the high heels, acing the exam — actively sapped participants’ energy. Blood pressure dropped. Effort on subsequent tasks dropped with it. Why? Because the imagined consummation of the wish quietly satisfies the part of the system that would otherwise have nagged you into doing something about it.
In other words: act as if hard enough, and you may not bother acting at all.
Does that ring any bells? The vision board completed in great detail and never followed up. The hour spent reading about productivity systems instead of doing the work. The brilliantly planned business that lives, perpetually and beautifully, in your head and has never bothered anyone with actual customers.
The cautionary tale of the power pose
The cleanest illustration of the trap came, awkwardly, from psychology itself. In 2010, Carney, Cuddy and Yap published a small study in Psychological Science suggesting that standing in expansive “power poses” for two minutes raised testosterone, lowered cortisol, and increased risk tolerance. The accompanying TED talk became one of the most-watched of all time. People were doing discreet star-jumps in toilet cubicles before job interviews on the strength of it.
Then, in 2015, Ranehill and colleagues ran a larger, properly powered replication and could find no hormonal or behavioural effect at all. By 2016, Dana Carney herself had publicly withdrawn her support for her own findings — a quietly extraordinary act of scientific integrity which has never received the attention it deserves. The dust has not entirely settled, but the consensus is that the original effect, if it exists, is much smaller and shakier than two minutes of public theatre with your fists in the air would suggest.
What stayed alive, awkwardly, was the feeling. People reported feeling more powerful after power-posing even when nothing measurable had changed. The brain, again, was rewarding the rehearsal more enthusiastically than the substance.
The affirmation paradox
A similar pattern shows up in research on positive self-statements — the affirmations of self-help fame. Wood, Perunovic and Lee (2009) put these to the test and found something genuinely uncomfortable: participants with low self-esteem who repeated affirmations such as “I am a lovable person” felt worse afterwards than those who did not repeat them. The very people the affirmation industry is selling to are the ones it makes more miserable. People with high self-esteem benefited a little, but they were not the ones queuing up to buy the workbooks.
If you have ever felt strangely flatter after a vigorous session of self-affirmation, that may explain why.
Bridge or destination?
So is “acting as if” useful or harmful? It is both, and the difference is structural. When the rehearsal is aimed at action — when you imagine the difficult conversation in order to have it, when you straighten your spine in order to walk into the room, when you behave as the person you wish to become and then actually keep going — the bridge holds. When the rehearsal becomes a substitute for action, when imagining the wealth replaces earning it, when standing like a superhero replaces preparing for the interview, the bridge ends in mid-air.
Recognise the difference. I will act as if I am confident, so that I will pick up the phone is rehearsal pointed at the world. I will act as if I am confident, so that I will feel better and not have to pick up the phone is rehearsal pointed at your nervous system. They feel almost identical from the inside. They are quite different in their consequences.
This, you may notice, is the double-edge in a single sentence. The same technique that walks an anxious client to the dialling finger can keep an unhappy daydreamer comfortably immobile for a decade. Same tool, opposite outcomes, distinguishable only by where the rehearsal is pointed.
A few questions to sit with
Where, in your life right now, are you using “act as if” as a bridge, and where as a destination?
When you imagine your goals in detail, do you find yourself energised to start — or pleasantly relaxed, because the matter is, in some quiet sense, already taken care of?
If you stripped out every visualisation, every internal pep talk, every affirmation you used this past week, and counted only what you actually did, would the picture be larger or smaller than the one in your head?
And — the one worth sitting with for longer than feels comfortable — which version of you has your nervous system been auditioning for? The one who eventually does the thing, or the one who has already done it, sort of, in private, and is therefore quietly off the hook?
References
- Ansbacher, H. L., & Ansbacher, R. R. (Eds.). (1956). The individual psychology of Alfred Adler: A systematic presentation in selections from his writings. Basic Books.
- Carney, D. R., Cuddy, A. J. C., & Yap, A. J. (2010). Power posing: Brief nonverbal displays affect neuroendocrine levels and risk tolerance. Psychological Science, 21(10), 1363–1368. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797610383437
- Driskell, J. E., Copper, C., & Moran, A. (1994). Does mental practice enhance performance? Journal of Applied Psychology, 79(4), 481–492. https://doi.org/10.1037/0021-9010.79.4.481
- James, W. (1890). The principles of psychology (Vols. 1–2). Henry Holt.
- Kappes, H. B., & Oettingen, G. (2011). Positive fantasies about idealized futures sap energy. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 47(4), 719–729. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2011.02.003
- Ranehill, E., Dreber, A., Johannesson, M., Leiberg, S., Sul, S., & Weber, R. A. (2015). Assessing the robustness of power posing: No effect on hormones and risk tolerance in a large sample of men and women. Psychological Science, 26(5), 653–656. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797614553946
- Toth, A. J., McNeill, E., Hayes, K., Moran, A. P., & Campbell, M. (2020). Does mental practice still enhance performance? A 24-year follow-up and meta-analytic replication and extension. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 48, 101672. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psychsport.2020.101672
- Wood, J. V., Perunovic, W. Q. E., & Lee, J. W. (2009). Positive self-statements: Power for some, peril for others. Psychological Science, 20(7), 860–866. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2009.02370.